May 18, 2013

Libya, Ghadafi, and the Concept of Policy

Much ado has been made lately about the U.S. “policy” toward Libya. But policy is an overarching concept, and it is intended to be applied categorically across the board. The notion of a foreign policy towards one particular country is a bit like saying we have a national tax policy for one individual American.

Policy should not be idiosyncratic. If the United States has a policy of intervening to stop genocide, then it should intervene to stop every genocide, or have a good explanation why it is not stopping a particular genocide if it is its policy to do so. Likewise, a U.S. policy of preventing foreign governments from murdering its citizens should result in U.S. action anywhere a government acts to commit murder against its own citizens.

This is ostensibly the policy basis of U.S. actions against Libya. The Libyan government was bombing and otherwise murdering its own citizens in an attempt to halt a rebellion and insurgency, and President Obama and NATO elected to intervene to stop it based on an alleged policy. If this is truly U.S. policy, however, then we should see similar interventions elsewhere. Surely Libya is not the only government to threaten or bomb its own citizens.

No one would deny that North Korea, for example, has one of the most brutal regimes it he world. The North Korean government is known to murder its citizens who try to escape into China, hoard donated food supplies while its people starve, and even operate concentration camps within the country for political prisoners and their families.

Murder of civilians, starving citizens, concentration camps… aren’t these all policy reasons we have used to justify foreign interventions before? Indeed. So why have we not put a no-fly zone over North Korea? Or Sudan? The Sudanese government is widely known to have supported genocide against its own citizens in Darfur by arming regional militias. So why were U.S. or NATO or any coalition’s fighter jets not taking out strategic targets in Sudan?

I don’t necessarily have definitive answers to these questions, and I actually do support military intervention against Libya (and would have against Sudan). Rather, my role here has been to try to bring some clarity to an often misappropriated term – policy. It can really serve to delegitimize U.S. actions and intentions if we misuse that concept, as we do so frequently. Claiming that we are intervening in Libya because we have a “policy” of military intervention when a government is murdering its citizens leads many to question why we are not intervening in other areas when other governments murder their citizens. And those questions are legitimate ones.

Instead, we should be honest with the world, and with ourselves. We are intervening in Libya because Ghadafi is a nuisance and we believe the world – and Libya – would be better off without him in power.

The Curious Case of Petty Officer Stephen Jones

On the evening that Navy Petty Officer Stephen Jones fell asleep while watching a video on his lap top with a friend, little could he have imagined that his name and the set of circumstances surrounding that evening would be a topic for national debate and launch inquiries into naval leadership’s equitable distribution of justice based on the military’s code of conduct and directives.

According to naval investigation documents, the evening of February 5, 2010, began when 21 year old Petty Officer Jones invited a friend, Petty Officer Brian McGee to his quarters at the Naval Nuclear Power Training Command – on the Naval Weapons Station located near Charleston, S.C. – to watch a movie. The Washington Post reports: “The trouble started shortly after midnight on Feb. 6 when Jones’s roommate, Tyler Berube, returned from an out-of-town trip. As he opened the door, Berube saw Jones “asleep in bed with another male sailor,” according to a statement that Berube gave to investigators.

Berube stated that both were wearing only boxer shorts, but that they got dressed and left after he woke them up. Jones said in his account to investigators that he was wearing pajamas but that neither he nor his friend, Brian McGee, had intended to fall asleep or spend the night together, insisting “the encounter was platonic.” Jones’s civilian attorney, Gary Myers, also stated that the events of that evening as relayed by Jones were such that Jones was wearing pajamas and McGee was wearing a tee shirt and boxers.

Given the fact that McGee was permitted to visit and that visiting hours ended at 2 am on that Saturday,  the point of contention seemingly falls on the accusation levied against Jones and McGee by Berube, Jones’s roommate. Myers (the civilian attorney for Jones) notes that in all there are three versions of how the men were dressed, but “in no version is either totally undressed.” He said Jones was on top of the covers and the other sailor under the covers.

Jones stated that neither he nor McGee had intended to fall asleep while watching the movie, and that McGee often stopped by his room to watch movies. As CNN reported: “The play-by-play given by Jones is substantiated by the Naval investigating documents, although a different account on the amount of clothing worn was given by Jones’ roommate… Jones’ roommate, who was uncomfortable by what he saw, according to Myers, Jones’s attorney, moved out of the room a day later and reported the incident to command officials.”

Since Jones joined the Navy last summer, he has maintained a spotless service record.  But now Jones has been charged with committing the crime of “willful failure to exhibit professional conduct.” McGee was also charged in the case.

Thomas Dougan, a spokesman for the Naval Nuclear Power Training Command said, “”It is a violation of the Command Instruction for sailors to act unprofessionally in the barracks. It is considered unprofessional conduct to share the same bed in Navy barracks,” Dougan acknowledged that no regulation specifically prohibits sailors from falling asleep in the same bed. But, he said rules do require them to “behave professionally in the barracks” and that Capt. Thomas Bailey, the commanding officer, concluded that Jones and McGee had not done so. “The determination was that two sailors sharing the same rack was unprofessional,” concluded Dougan.

The investigative summary and charging documents do not specify how Jones’s actions constituted unprofessional conduct. Despite repeated requests for clarification, military officials declined to comment on Jones’s case, citing privacy rules. But if a vague transgression based on a “catch all” regulation can result in a service member’s dismissal, then a visit to YouTube will most certainly overload military leadership with literally hundreds of cases of blatant displays of serious, offensive, sexually explicit and specific violations of “willful failure to exhibit professional conduct.” By entering ‘marines having fun’  into the search window, an array of in-the-barracks as well as other on-base displays of questionable behavior will appear.

As for Jones and McGee, neither was officially charged with being gay or with sexual misconduct, although Jones did say that McGee told him that Captain Bailey “asked him if being a homosexual was going to be an issue” if he stayed in the Navy. However, Dougan denied that officials were discharging anyone based on sexual orientation. In an e-mailed statement, Dougan noted that it is the Defense Department’s policy “not to ask service members or applicants about their sexual orientation, to treat all members with dignity and respect, and to ensure maintenance of good order and discipline.”

Dougan’s statement on existing Defense Department policy is in direct contrast and conflict to Captain Bailey’s statement to McGee. Unlike Jones, McGee agreed to accept a Captain’s Mast, which resulted in docked pay but allowed him to stay in the Navy. A Captain’s Mast is a non-judicial punishment under the provisions of Article 15 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ) that is designed to permit a commanding officer to summarily dispose of minor disciplinary infractions. Since both Jones and McGee were not assigned to a sea-going mission, they had the right to refuse Mast.

McCormack and McCormack, a law practice in Virginia Beach, offers the following on a sailor’s decision to accept or decline a Captain’s Mast: “consideration must first be given to the fact that non-judicial punishment does not result in a federal conviction and in essentially most respects, it does not follow a person out of the military. The punishment that can be imposed at Captain’s Mast is relatively minor and unquestionably many service members have gone on to a long and successful career after being subjected to NJP. Generally speaking, if a person did commit the subject misconduct, accepting Mast may be the best way to go. Again, generally speaking, if the person did not commit the subject misconduct, then I suggest he may want to refuse Mast and demand trial by Courts-Martial… However, the decision to refuse NJP is one that must be made with great caution.”

Jones was also offered a Captain’s Mast but refused since he “had done nothing wrong.” Because Jones has been in the service for less than six years, he is not entitled to a formal hearing on his dismissal, but can have the decision of dismissal reviewed by filing documents with officials farther up the chain of command. Jones’s attorney calls the attempted dismissal of Jones from the Navy  “bigotry disguised as the rule of law.” He writes in his response to the pending decision that while Jones’s commanders suspect he is homosexual, they “cannot invoke ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,’ because there was no admission of homosexuality or homosexual conduct.” Jones stated that his sexual orientation is his business and his business alone.  Myers told the Washington Post, “The subterfuge is, they believe this kid is a homosexual, but they have no proof of it, so what they’ve done here is to trump this thing up as a crime. This is not a crime.”

Jones’s father, Jeffrey Jones of Beulah, Florida and an army veteran, said he doesn’t know if his son is gay or not. “And it doesn’t matter,” he added. “It’s his business and no one else’s.” The elder Jones said that his son’s master chief pulled him aside and told him that he might have committed a violation but would not specify the violation.

Jones has been in the Navy for just under a year. He previously worked at a few Tom Thumb stores in Escambia County, Florida.”He grew up here,” said his father. “We have four boys, and he is the oldest of the four. His mother is disabled, and this is just very, very stressful. It’s mentally taxing.” Jones has been pulled from his classes and is in a holding unit for those awaiting discharge.”So what has he done wrong?” his father asked. “He’s fighting this on principle.”

In December of 2010, President Obama signed a law that allowed for the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and spoke about principles. “Members of the military will no longer be asked to lie,” preached Obama. The President went on, “I say to all Americans, gay or straight, who want nothing more than to defend this country in uniform, your country needs you, your country wants you, and we will be honored to welcome you into the ranks of the finest military the world has ever known.”

The President’s remarks concerning the repeal of DADT and what it will mean for the military in general, do not fall into the category of ambiguous or vague language. President Obama, Secretary Gates and Chairmen Mullen firmly advocated for changing the law to ensure gay members of the military would be able to serve openly. The spirit as well as the letter of the law, including ongoing Defense Department training and new directives, are clear and concise with regards to the repeal of DADT. This begs the question – Has the pentagon truly begun to address the practical consequences for the repeal of DADT? Consequences such as commanders finding round-about ways to now punish and discharge service members suspected of being gay?

The ongoing Jones case is the first to receive such national attention and publicity. The true test will be in how effectively the Pentagon conducts ongoing education to prepare the military leadership for the repeal of DADT. Given human agency, the Jones case may not be an aberration. In fact, it may just be getting its sea legs, as it is indisputable that there continues to be resistance among military leaders who remain adverse to repealing DADT .

Praying for Rain after the SOTU

The 2011 State of the Union (SOTU) address was rife with motivating statements, applause moments, wild cheers, and statements that will be torn apart, each interest group holding up their favorite lines as if they were the most important of the night while ignoring the rest. Many of these interest groups will be just as angry towards promises unfulfilled as they are jubilant tonight, and much of this anger will be ignored by their peers. Still, key defense items came up that may or may not lead to a number of short media cycles, frenzies, and/or flavors of the day.

The President committed to open service for gay and lesbian troops this year. The phrasing did not point to certification of a repeal plan, but to full open service, so one can presume the necessary former will occur soon to leave time for the latter. However, the wording is vague enough such that failure to deliver can be blamed on contextual distractions and poor political timing. Inclusion of open service in the SOTU is a good sign, but certainly not indicative of any sort of time line for the full technical repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and the implementation of open service.

The President also indicated a beginning to a withdrawal from Afghanistan in June of this year. A full time line was not provided, and the justification of the withdrawal was based on dubious claims that the situations in both Afghanistan and Pakistan are on a positive trajectory. Of course, this is not to say that a withdrawal is not planned or that it would not happen. The sharp contrast to probable reality, however, suggests political pandering that could easily transform into delayed or shifted action.

Bottom line: the SOTU accomplished what it was designed to accomplish – a few political hits; some motivating, pandering moments; and a number of seeds planted that may or may not come to fruition. It is now up to groups interested in growing those seeds to plow the ground and pray for rain.

Defense Authorization Bill Needs Lame Duck Action

For 48 consecutive years the U.S. Congress has passed, and the President has signed, a defense authorization bill to authorize funding for new weapons systems, military research programs, troop pay raises, recruitment bonuses and other significant programs and benefits for America’s armed forces. This year, however, Congress may decide to go on an extended holiday vacation in mid-December rather than stick around to take up this important piece of annual legislation. The President, too, may decide to take off for warm, sunny Hawaii rather than stick around cold, dreary Washington to help strong-arm the bill through a weary Congress. But the work still needs to get done, and it needs to get done before anyone in Washington boards a plane for winter vacation.

Both parties are playing textbook political games with this legislation, and it needs to stop. If for the sake of just doing the right thing isn’t enough, then the fact that Americans can now see through the rhetoric-laden press statements and cheap tactical maneuvering should provide sufficient motivation. While Democratic leaders in the Senate have tried to delay striking a procedural deal with moderates as long as possible, hoping in the end to be able to blame those same moderates, Republicans have for days been holding all legislation hostage in order to coerce the Democrats into a deal on tax policy. In the end, anyone with a high school education will be able to recognize – and hopefully remember – the ridiculous games each party was willing to play while a ready-to-go defense bill sat collecting dust.

And while this circus plays out on Capitol Hill and in the media, the White House, too, continues to refuse to make any significant push on behalf of this important defense legislation. It is clear that tax cuts are currently everyone’s priority, but the prioritization of the START treaty by the White House, a bill that can still pass next year, over the defense authorization bill, which, in its current form, cannot pass next year, is quite baffling, especially given the immediate pay-off of many of the defense bill’s provisions – both literal and metaphorical.

Washington is in perpetual need of rethinking its priorities, but this is one point in time where that cliché is especially appropriate. If Congress and the President whisk themselves out of town for vacation without a defense bill having been passed and signed into law, they will deserve the public scorn that will surely follow. And if they skip town without a defense bill while trying to point fingers the whole way home, the public will see right though it.

Arms Sale to India Harming War on Terror Efforts?

This week, President Obama will visit India as part of a multi-nation tour of Asia’s democracies, including also Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea. While in India, President Obama is expected to discuss and possibly seal an important military aircraft deal that would provide India with military transport aircraft along with more fighter jets for India’s military arsenal. While this escalation of India’s military capability is seen as positive in terms of relations with China, whose rise the U.S. is trying to keep in check in the region by supporting the strengthening of its neighbors, it is perhaps an infinitely incomprehensible move in terms of relations with Pakistan and the ongoing War on Terror.

Pakistan is widely known to calculate its every strategic and tactical move according to the lingering threat its leaders see coming from its eastern border – India. The India factor in Pakistani politics and its security calculus pre-dates the War on Terror by many decades, but it’s a factor that rarely seems to play into Western analyses of Pakistan’s relations with the Taliban and al-Qaeda.

Pakistan’s tolerance of the Taliban and al-Qaeda seems inexplicable to many in the West, especially given the nation’s public commitment to fighting the extremist elements within its borders and its close ties to and cooperation with the U.S. But a closer look at Pakistan’s longer-term calculus brings into sharper focus why it would continue to tolerate, and even perhaps surreptitiously support, these elements.

While Pakistan views the extremists within its borders as a moderate threat to the Pakistani regime, it also views those same extremists as a potential para-military force for use in a future conflict with India. India-Pakistan tensions are not only responsible for Pakistan’s tolerance of – and the ISI’s collaboration with – radical extremists, but it has also given rise to the introduction of nuclear weapons into those two severely under-developed nations. Along with the development of nuclear capability also comes the cultivation of a domestic nuclear scientific community, a valuable target for other nations seeking nuclear capability.

Pakistan is not a nation we need to be provoking by selling military transport aircraft and fighter jets to its sworn enemy next door. While this Indian arms sale may be seen as a one step forward with respect to growing Chinese influence, a perceived long-term threat, it is two steps back with respect to a more pressing national security problem – relations with Pakistan.

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